If only those who predicted the downturn had been vocal in opposing tax cuts and lax regulation
Sunday, January 18th, 2009Colm Rapple
Irish Mail on Sunday January 18th, 2009
“Told ya so!” reads the balloon caption emanating from the picture of Karl Marx gracing the mug I got as a Christmas present. But Marx, were he still alive, would doubtless have more than that to say. However, there are plenty of other “told ya so’s” out there and, like Marx, most of them didn’t get it completely right. In so far as they did, it had more to do with luck than with economic insight, research or experience.
There was a general realisation that the property bubble had to bust at some stage. But most commentators, including the prestigious Economic and Social Research Institute, predicted a soft rather than a hard landing. That was the central forecast in the ESRI’s medium term outlook published only eight months ago based on fair assumptions built into a very sophisticated economic model.
There were those who warned about a more traumatic busting of the bubble but no-one foresaw the combination of global economic shocks which hit us at the same time as the inevitable slow-down in the domestic economy as the property boom came to its inevitable end.
We were always going to have an economic downturn but without the external shock it would certainly not have been as bad as it has turned out to be. And no one is claiming to have foreseen the extent of the world financial crisis.
But whether the downturn was going to be slight or severe, we should have been preparing for it.
It was all too clear that the tax base was not adequate to deal with any kind of downturn in the property market, whether great or small. But few commentators were critical of the ideologically motivated erosion of the tax base. The Celtic Tiger preceded the tax cuts and while it may have been encouraged on its way by some of the cuts that followed in its wake, they clearly went too far.
In 2000 income tax rates were lowered from 24% and 46% to 22% and 44%. Now they are down at 20% and 41%. Were they back up at even 22% and 44% the Exchequer would be about €2 billion a year better off – the amount that the Government is committed to saving by its current round of pay and spending cuts.
The tax cuts did little or nothing to promote economic growth during the good years. They were part of the return we got from the Celtic Tiger, paid for from the exceptionally buoyant tax yield from the property sector. But in retrospect we would have been just as well off without them. We might have avoided the mad spending sprees that pushed asset prices to clearly unsustainable levels. Certainly the State finances would now be in a much healthier state.
But there were very few who argued, as this column has consistently done, against the tax cuts. To do so, required a vision of sustainable social and economic growth far removed from the liberal free market model that was so seldom questioned by commentators during the go-go years, not least by some of those who now claim to have predicted the current recession.
Until relatively recent times, there were few voices raised in protest at the laxness of the regulatory systems supposedly charged with ensuring the effective operation of free markets in areas such as financial services, telecommunications and energy supply where owners and managers have long experience of circumventing attempts to impose competitive pressures on their operations.
The cosy relationship between Financial Regulator and financial institutions, often enough raised in this column, was seldom questioned elsewhere until the horse had effectively bolted.
No one seemed to have studied why our energy costs, which were amongst the lowest in Europe when ESB and Bord Gais operated monopolies, are now, in a supposed free regulated market, amongst the highest. Ironically the truth is that, in order to entice new entrants into the market, the Regulator was forced to not only concede buy to actually demand higher prices.
Those who forecast the recession can claim to have long advocated cut-backs in Government spending. But that was mainly because it’s a natural part of the liberal, free market, reduced government, agenda to which most subscribed. So it’s not surprising that it is currently being pushed as a primary solution to the Government’s budgetary problems.
But the truth is that we need not only to raise taxes but also more Government spending, at least in the medium term. Higher taxes, even on the wealthy and higher paid, just might impact adversely on confidence at this time although the risk is possibly worth taking.
Government spending needs to be prioritised, made more efficient and effective, even possibly cut in some areas. But we spent far less of our national income on public services than other euro-zone countries. If we want the type of state services that we deserve and demand, we’re going to have to spent a lot more.
According to figures included in a euro-zone economy commentary published by the OECD during the week in 2006 we were spending 34% of GDP on state services. The next lowest was Spain at 39% while Belgium, Finland, Austria, Italy and France were all spending more than 48% of their GDP on state services.
We trailed most of the others in practically every area except health where we actually topped the league table. In 2006 we were spending 7.7% of GDP on health compared with 6.3% in Germany, 6.8% in Belgium and 7.2% in France.
Clearly we could be getting better value for some of our money but the case for massive spending cuts is based on assumptions every bit as unsound as those on which some of those economic forecasts were based.